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The Industrial Revolution: Burden of the Working Class - Research Paper Example

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The author of the "The Industrial Revolution: Burden of the Working Class" paper identifies whether the standard of living of the working class improved during the Industrial Revolution in Britain. This issue is applied to the global economy and the developing world of today. …
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The Industrial Revolution: Burden of the Working Class
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The Industrial Revolution: Burden of the Working Introduction The economic, social, and political changes that took place during the IndustrialRevolution have been unmatched by any other period in history. It was beset by migration and urbanization. The role that employment played in the life of the working class was dramatically altered as Britain moved from an agrarian economy to a life centered around the modern mill. These changes would ultimately lead to the modern and postmodern society that we have today. These improvements would not have been possible without the mechanization that took place in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. But these improvements came at a cost. The changes were far from beneficial for the working class who did not see an increase in their standard of living during the Industrial Revolution, but instead traded health, dignity, and emotional well being for a small increase in disposable income. Relevance The topic of the working class during this period has been one that has been widely and often debated. It can stir up highly charged emotions among historians and social scientists. While some arguments center on amelioration, others are more pessimistic in their viewpoint. The debate has become more interesting as the issues are applied to the global economy and the developing world of today. Hypothesis and Economic Model During this period of development in England, large numbers of the population were relocated from a self-sufficient agricultural economy to an urban factory setting. To entice the workers to move, an economic advantage, either real or perceived was necessary. Higher wages would be offered than could be realized from farm labor. However, the worker would trade social and environmental amenities for the higher pay. It is hypothesized that based on this trade of well being for wages, we can expect to find that when wages increased, living conditions were the poorest. Likewise, based on free market theory, the higher wages would initially create increased demand for products and higher prices. However, as production reached economies of scale, the market would reach equilibrium and result in modest financial rewards for the working class. Because standard of living denotes well being, it does not lend itself to mathematical evaluation. Much of it is qualitative and subjective. Often, even quantitative data from this period is subject to debate about its meaning and credibility. The data will be analyzed through a lens of objectivity and attempt to describe a condition as better or worse. Data such as wages and costs will be reported in real terms and consumption will be analyzed for quality of content. Definition of Terms For the purpose of this research the Industrial Revolution is defined as the period of 1770 to 1849. The research will consider the standard of living of the working class during this period. The post 1849 years will be evaluated and used for comparison where appropriate. This is consistent with many historians who consider the post 1849 period to be the Second Industrial Revolution. Graphical data will be presented for the years 1794 - 1849, the period that credible data is available. This 50-year period is an adequate representation of the major economic movements for the period. One of the overriding difficulties in approaching this topic is defining standard of living. Standard of living is comprised of several different attributes that may be material, emotional, or a combination of both. Standard of living includes wages and the amount of products consumed. It includes both necessities and luxury items. Standard of living considers the working conditions and the safety of the occupation. It also includes living conditions, the environment, and the health of the household. It further includes infant mortality and life span. As a measure of progress with respect to standard of living it will also evaluate education and literacy. This multitude of characteristics will combine to give a more complete picture of the standard of living of the working class during the Industrial Revolution. Literature Review Much has been written and researched in regards to this topic. Many studies have focused primarily on wages as the measure for increase. Many studies confirm at least a modest increase in wages during this period. Lindert and Williamson report a steady growth through this period and contend that wages doubled between 1819 and 1850 (11). However, RS Neale argues that these figures are based on adult male populations and are misleading due to the exclusion of the female population and the contribution of child labor (cited in Brown 593). Life expectancy and infant mortality has often been referenced in literature that studies this period. Huck noted that infant mortality increased substantially in a study of nine parishes between 1813 and 1846 (cited in Feinstein 630). Pope confirmed these findings and further noted that the trend continued well beyond 1840 (180). Feinstein reported that amid the perceived rise in wages there was a decline in nutritional well being accompanied by declining per capita consumption of food as gauged by early 19th century height data (652). Research of this period is often subject to interpretation of the information, and this is especially true of qualitative data. Living and working conditions are difficult to quantify. Hobsbawm says that the pessimistic view of this era is often discredited by labeling it as anti-capitalist bias (124). He contends that optimism about living conditions can not be taken seriously before the late 1840s at the earliest (126). An independent report compiled in 1845 by the Health of Towns Commission reported that in Great Bolton there were many areas that had no sewers and discharged the raw waste into the local rivers. Privies were few in numbers and were not maintained appropriately. (Lewis 324). There is little in the literature to promote any optimism about sanitary conditions during this period. There is little disagreement about the trend of literacy and education during this period. However, the reversal in the trend after 1815 is a point of debate. Hobsbawm reports a marked decline in literacy during this period where the large urban manufacturing sites had as many as 55% of the population who could not read or write by the year 1842 (130). Laqueur has also demonstrated a sharply falling rate in the urbanized Lancashire area from the period 1795-1815 for both males and females (98). Laqueur maintains that the effects of the Industrial revolution were responsible for reversing the trend. Sanderson reports that the low point in 1815 was the result of the decline in elementary education that began twenty years earlier in 1795 (110). Sanderson further contends that the downward trend was largely due to the impact of the Industrial Revolution and was only reversed by the intervention of the National Society and other agencies (111). Discussion To begin the discussion of this period we will note the decline in sanitary conditions during this period. As workers migrated from the rural setting to the mills, it created a vastly overcrowded urban area. These urban areas were ripe for the spreading of disease. The water systems were inadequate and the overtaxed sewer systems, where they existed, added to the unhealthy conditions. There is little debate among writers of this era or historians that have studied the records. There is general agreement that the sanitary conditions during the Industrial Revolution were deplorable leading to disease and death. In an 1845 report, Dr. Ivan Playfair writes about the ills of Great Bolton. He states, "...the sewerage in a deplorable state—many streets had no sewers, some of the sewers had right-angled junctions, all emptied into small rivers that wound sluggishly and stinkingly through the town—and the privies were pitiful in number and disgusting" (Lewis 324). This was at the end of the era when one would expect some improvement. During this period the life span had increased from 37 years in 1790 to 40 in 1820 and remained unchanged for the next 50 years (Feinstein 630). However, this was the national rate that was bolstered by the life span of professional men of 51 years. The average life span of a working class male in Bolton was 19.5 years (Lewis 325). Infant mortality had also risen to a peak by 1840. By 1841, Lancashire had a rate of 178 infant deaths per 1000 births (Pope 180). Most urbanized and mining counties were experiencing a similar rise in infant mortality. In Bolton, 35% of the children died before the age of 5 (Lewis 325). This effect was also noticed by Szreter and Mooney who reported a "sharp deterioration" in mortality from 1825 - 1850 (qtd. in Feinstein 631). The workers would accept these conditions for an offer of more pay. This is evident by the advertisements from the mill villages of Egerton and Styal who claimed they had a healthy environment with "epidemics rare" and "no ruinous and squalid hovels" (Brown 598). In return they were able to attract workers though they offered wages "a trifle below those paid in the towns" (Brown 598). The workers were exchanging their health for an increase in wages. To see the impact of the Industrial Revolution on wages, Figure 1 illustrates the overall average as compared to the non-farm laborer and the cotton spinner. These are the most optimistic estimations and indicate that wages rose sharply Figure 1, Source Lindert and Williamson (4) until 1810 and had as much as a 60% to 80% increase. However, for the next 40 years the laborers wages stagnated and the spinners wages decreased back to near the 1794 level. Skilled tradesmen such as carpenters and bricklayers fared better after 1810 and may have seen as much as a 35% - 50% increase during this period (Schwarz 28). These figures are reflected in the overall wages that increased after the massive unemployment of the late 1820s. This period also witnessed a return to sweated labor. By 1840 work was being returned to the cottage and being done by wives and temporary workers for as little as 50% of the wages paid in house (Schmiechen 285). The cottage industry of pre-1780 was being revived and being paid cottage industry wages. If the increase in wages that were being traded for a healthy environment was contributing to an improved standard of living, there should be an increase in spending on luxury items. Sugar and tea are two commodities that were scarce and imported during the early years of the Industrial Revolution. Figure 2 illustrates the wage scale in respect to the spending on sugar and tea. As the graph illustrates, the increase in wages was not mirrored by an increase in spending on tea and sugar. This important indicator of standard of living indicated their was no improvement from Figure 2, Source Lindert and Williamson (4), Mokyr (83) 1795 - 1849. If the increase in wages was not being spent on luxuries, it needs to be examined where it was being spent. Free market theory would indicate that the increase in wages would increase a demand for basic goods and services and inflate the cost of these items. As production increased, the market would gain equilibrium and stabilize. Figure 3 depicts the wage increase during the 55-year period of 1794 - 1849 as compared to the cost of living. The cost of living index is comprised of rent, food, fuel, and clothing. It is based on typical households needs and is depicted in relative terms and not absolute pounds. As we can see in Figure 3, in the early years of the Industrial Revolution, prices increased rapidly to meet the new increase in wages. As production increased, scale economies drove the prices of basic commodities downward. Figure 3, Source Lindert and Williamson (4), Feinstein (640) As wages stabilized after 1810, prices continued to fall through 1849. This is shown by the steep decrease in price of clothing through this period. Prices on cotton clothing that was locally made had decreased by 40% by 1849 (Feinstein 640). Fuel and lighting also experienced a decrease during this period. The price of food and the consumption levels is problematic to measure with any degree of accuracy. While Lindert and Williamson claim the greatest gains were made after 1820 as indicated by Figure 3 (24). Pessimists point out that any increase in aggregate personal consumption after 1821 simply is not supported by the evidence (Mokyr 91). Pessimists contend that the wage scales from the period are incomplete and inaccurate. Though there will inevitably be some margin of error in the determination of wages during this period, there is a consensus that they did increase. The data in Figure 3 from Lindert and Williamson is one of the more optimistic studies on wages. Others place the increase at a more modest 20%. Whichever figures are used, there is an increase in wages and a decrease in cost of living. From this standpoint there was an increase in disposable income. Figure 4 illustrates the effect of wages on rent during this period. As can be seen, rent prices rose to meet the existing wage sccales. This is an indication that the wage scale may be more accurate than previously thought. Rent, which is the most basic Figure 4, Source Lindert and Williamson (4), Feinstein (640) necessity, is more likely to react to market forces and attempt to equalize with the prevailing wage. In the urbanized areas, there was a high demand for labor as well as housing. This high demand for housing resulted in rising prices for less housing. According to Pope, "Instead of the housing expanding at the same rate as population grew, landlords made ready profits by cramming extra families into existing houses, or by subdividing houses" (175). These cramped conditions contributed to a declining level of health and comfort and reduced the standard of living for the average worker. Further measurements of the standard of living are more abstract and more difficult to quantify. Access to culture and education are valid contributors to a healthy standard of living by todays standards. However, at the beginning of the 19th century, education among the lower and working classes was discouraged by the state and the church. They feared it would instigate discontent. This held back educational attainment among this class. Figure 5 is a comparison of wages to the literacy rate of men and women during this period. This is a relative graph and though women were far less literate than men during this period were, we can see that they followed a similar decline beginning in 1794 and continuing until 1820. As wages increased, literacy decreased. Figure 5, Source Lindert and Williamson (4), Laqueur (98). This data was taken from marriage reflects the reduction in education that began as early as 1775. The reversal of the trend in 1820 was not a result of the Industrial Revolution. It was due to legislation that had mandated education and restrictions that reduced child labor. As Sanderson states, "It was the constructive work of the churches and subsequently of Parliament in seeking to repair the social ills of industrialization which began the modern rise of mass literacy in the 1820s or 1830s" (112). The Industrial Revolution had decreased educational opportunities and had it been left to its own devices would have continued to degrade the literacy rate. The emotional distress and abuse the worker was subjected can not be overlooked when evaluation standard of living. Agriculture had been difficult work with long hours and often meant exposure to inclement conditions. However, the mill and factory had "strict discipline, harsh punishment, unhealthy working conditions, low wages, and inflexible work hours. The factory depersonalized the employer-employee relationship and was attacked for stripping the workers freedom, dignity and creativity" (Tuttle). These characteristics of the mill were especially damaging to the standard of living for the large number of children who labored there. The disposable income, if it existed, was not likely to be spent on entertainment. There was little time left outside the workweek to enjoy any part of life. The sixty-hour week was the standard. Though workers fought for shorter hours, the millowners would not relent their draconian hold on the working class. As Lewis says, " Long hours and a "high" family income, they maintained, generated order, morality, and prosperity, all of which would be jeopardized by reckless tampering" (301). The order was the discipline and the prosperity was for the owner of the mill. It did nothing to contribute to the standard of living for the worker or their family. Further Research Additional research is needed to find innovative ways to apply this information to todays developing nations. Many of the [problems encountered by the workers during the Industrial Revolution in England are being experienced by workers in developing nations. Sudden industrialization brings with it declining health and emotional well being. The environment is threatened and the social order is disrupted. There are scarcities in housing, unfair labor practices, and a free market inclination to oppress the workers. These conditions have been demonstrated around the globe from Mexico to Indonesia. By shedding light on the struggle that Great Britain went through to industrialize, developing nations could devise policies that would minimize the negative impact of industrialization, while still reaping the rewards. Conclusion As the evidence has shown, almost every measure of the standard of living shows a decline during the Industrial Revolution. The research has proven the hypothesis to be true. Conditions worsened as wages increased. Likewise, the market sought equilibrium and resulted in a modest financial gain for the worker. However, the rapid urbanization resulted in unsanitary conditions that were more than just distasteful and repugnant. They contributed to the high infant mortality rate and reduced the life span of the working class. Free market forces worked to absorb any gains in wages that might have been realized. Though there were some gains in disposable income by 1849, these came at a high cost. The cost of housing inflated to match wages. The cramped living conditions and rising rates of illiteracy, directly the result of the Industrial Revolution, further eroded the standard of living. Children subjected to long hours and strict mill conditions were forced to sacrifice their education as well as their childhood. Recovery from this period would not occur for decades beyond 1849. Though the recovery would be remarkable, the working class did not enjoy any benefit during the Industrial Revolution. Works Cited Brown, John C. "The Condition of England and the Standard of Living: Cotton Textiles in the Northwest, 1806-1850." The Journal of Economic History 50.3 (1990): 591-614. JSTOR. 1 Apr. 2007. Feinstein, Charles H. "Pessimism Perpetuated: Real Wages and the Standard of Living in Britain During and after the Industrial Revolution." The Journal of Economic History 58.3 (1998): 625-58. JSTOR. 1 Apr. 2007. Hobsbawm, E J. "The Standard of Living during the Industrial Revolution: A Discussion." The Economic History Review 16.1 (1963): 119-34. JSTOR. 1 Apr. 2007. Laqueur, Thomas W. "Literacy and Social Mobility in the Industrial Revolution in England." Past and Present 64 (1974): 96-107. JSTOR. 1 Apr. 2007. Lewis, Brian. Middlemost and the Milltowns : Bourgeois Culture and Politics in Early Industrial England. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001. Lindert, Peter H., and Jeffrey G. Williamson. "English Workers Living Standards During the Industrial Revolution: A New Look." The Economic History Review 36.1 (1983): 1-26. JSTOR. 1 Apr. 2007. Pope, Rex, ed. Atlas of British Social and Economic History Since 1700. London UK: Routledge, 1990. Schmiechen, James A. "Sweated Industries and Sweated Labor: A Study of Industrial Disorganization and Worker Attitudes in the London Clothing Trades, 1867-1909." The Journal of Economic History 36.1 (1976): 283-86. JSTOR. 2 Apr. 2007. Schwarz, L D. "The Standard of Living in the Long Run: London, 1700-1860." The Economic History Review 38.1 (1985): 24-41. JSTOR. 2 Apr. 2007. Tuttle, Carolyn. "Child Labor during the British Industrial Revolution". EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples. August 15, 2001. Read More
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